Partners? Or Employer-Employee

Yesterday, we started a discussion about the whole partnership issue concerning Magdalena when it came to her role in conducting her husband's business. While Ozment and most of the class seemed to agree that she had an independent partnership relationship with Balthasar and the business, I'm still not completely convinced. I think it's important to show caution when making such statements so as to avoid the "Goddess" effect we discussed during the first week of class.

While there has been lots of evidence given to show that Magdalena was very independent when running the merchant business, I also believe there is some to show the opposite. For example, when Ozment discusses the chores Magdalena was assigned while Balthasar was away, he states: "On one occasion Balthasar urged Magdalena to seek the assistance of his brothers...to collect peasant debts" (73). He also mentions that "Balthasar frequently admonished Magdalena to keep exact records. On one occasion [Balthasar] suggests she asks cousin Paul for help" (Ozment 73). The command to keep records indicates employer-employee relationship. The frequent urges to receive help suggests that he didn't see her as a true equal partner. It should also be kept in mind that Magdalena reported all of her business decisions to her husband. Though she may not always have asked for permission (which wouldn't be productive if he were away anyway), she certainly informed him of her actions. And, unfortunately, Ozment doesn't/can't provide more information about whether she made independent business decisions while he actually was in Nuremberg with her.

Thus, while I believe that women had a more active role in early modern Europe than we usually give them credit for, I think we might be too hasty in deciding that Magdalena was an equal partner to her husband in the business sect. I'd call her more of a somewhat independent employee.

Widows & Widowers in Magdalena's Time

Magdalena and Balthasar, as affectionate, communicative spouses, discussed a wide range of subjects within their letters to one another. One such topic was that of widows and remarriage amongst their acquaintances in the city of Nuremberg. In particular, Magdalena gives her opinion on the issue of remarriage. According to Ozment, in a letter to Balthasar, "she criticizes a Herr Bosch as a 'frivolous man' for marrying Felicitas Pomer just ten weeks after the death of his wife. ‘One should not forget so soon?' she exclaims." (Ozment 87). The problem of rapid remarriage, like in the example Magdalena provides, aside from the emotional aspect at hand, derived much from how closely marriage was interwoven with economic considerations. For one, Wiesner-Hanks points out that some widows faced poverty after their husband's death, while others gained great access and control over finances; however, both of these circumstances were often affected by laws or proscriptive documents. In the case of the powerful widow, remarriage may have been encouraged in order to maintain patriarchy (Wiesner-Hanks 94-95). In addition, certain laws were aimed at restricting widows and widowers, as Ozment points out that Nuremberg attempted to implicate a time restraint on how fast one could remarry (86). However, such a decree probably did not hold up well in reality, especially as Magdalena’s account testifies to the continuance of fast remarriage. Magdalena’s discussion of Herr Bosch also fits the general trend of widower remarriage at the time. In fact, Wiesner-Hanks explains that “50 percent of widowers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries remarried… those [widowers] with many children were most likely to remarry, and to remarry quickly” (95). Thus, perhaps, Herr Bosch, in accordance with the tendency of widowers, had children for whom he needed to quickly provide another maternal figure.

Regardless, Magdalena’s criticism of a widower’s rate of remarriage is interesting given the context of how common it was for a widower to remarry and to remarry quickly. Also, in giving a negative opinion of a widower to her husband, Magdalena demonstrates how unconstrained she was by any sense of patriarchy. It is also notable that Magdalena refers to a widower, not a widow. This reflects the much lower rate of remarriage among widows at the same time, which was 20 percent (Wiesner-Hanks 95). It was much more probable Magdalena would encounter a widower remarrying than a widow. Such a difference between widower and widow remarriage rates probably, to a degree, reflects women’s agency as some were able to choose to remain independent and outside of a husband’s control (Wiesner-Hanks 95). Altogether, the attention paid to widows and widowers, as exemplified by Magdalena’s consideration of it, demonstrates how important marriage was to maintaining the status quo, in that women were supposed to be subject to some male figure. In fact, quick remarriage on the part of widowers would have contributed to the maintenance of patriarchy, yet, at the same time, a larger number of widows remained outside the institution of marriage and in a way, outside of the grasp of one limb of patriarchy in society.  

Ozment, Steven. Magdalena & Balthasar: An Intimate Portrait of Life in 16^th Century Europe Revealed in the Letters of a Nuremberg Husband & Wife. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986.

Wiesner-Hanks, Merry E. Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

Engraving of The Noble Roman Widow

Artist: Pietro Bertelli

This gives an image of a widow, who, as a noble, may have had the financial liberty to remain unmarried and chosen to do so.

Image: http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works-of-art/62.676.31.1-6

 

 

Motherhood

After our discussion of parenthood regarding Magdelena and Balthasar, I began to wonder about the overall importance of parenthood during that time.  After searching through some various paintings and websites, I have found this image of motherhood as depicted by Rembrandt.  In this painting,  The central focus is on the pregnant mother with a man acknowledging the unborn child.  Known as "the Jewish Bride", this image could be the poster child for in emphasis on motherhood.  Painted in 1662, Rembrandt captures the importance of parenthood through the motions of both parties pictured.  A sort of enthusiasm is reflecting on the woman's face, and could possibly suggest that she is excited for the birth of their child.  Much like Magdelena, I would like to picture this woman as a mother who would be concerned for the health and achievements of her child.  According to the online source, it cannot be proven that either person pictured was actually Jewish, though the painting is still famously referred to by this name.  The source also states that the man pictured is probably a husband or partner to the women.  Although this painting is from the mid 1600's, I would still like to imagine a similar image of Magelena and Balthasar while Magdelenca was carrying little Balthasar. However,  Seeing as though Balthasar senior was rarely home this is probably too much to ask; and the clothing pictured would have to be altered in some ways to present Balthasar's elegant "wolf-fur" coat and flashy collar.  But for the intended purpose of this post, this image suggests that parenthood was more than just the act of procreation during this time.  One can see that the mother is this central figure of life, and also the central figure in child bearing.

Sources:  http://www.erembrandt.org/the-jewish-bride.jsp

Bloodletting: Ingenious or Foolish?

    As we have discussed in class, the act of bloodletting was a common practice during the Middle Ages. According to Seigworth, "Bloodletting was a method used for adjusting the four body humors to proper balance" (1). Blood was thought to carry all of the vital nutrients to all parts of the body and if someone was sick it must be a disease of the blood. To remove the sickness and cure the patient, blood had to be released from the body along with the illness. Due to this reasoning the process of bloodletting was common among men and women during the Middle Ages.
    In the book Magdalena and Balthasar we find the Magdalena often participated in the technique of bloodletting sometimes twice a month (44). Magdalena mentions that she has bloodletting done from her arm but as the diagram on page 115 of Magdalena and Balthasar shows, bloodletting could be done from various places on the body. One can wonder if perhaps the act of bloodletting is what led to such a large number of people succumbing to the plague or other viruses simply because their immune systems were weakened from the blood loss. I also question whether children were subjected to bloodletting? If so, how young did the process begin?
   Below are pictures of the bloodletting technique:

http://socialjusticefirst.com/2012/06/20/from-dr-keynes-to-financial-bloodletting/

http://www.altmedicinezone.com/alternative-treatment/the-top-5-gravest-medical-concerns-back-then/

Works Cited

"A Brief History of Bloodletting." PBS. Last modified December

1980.http://www.pbs.org/wnet/redgold/basics/bloodlettinghistory.html.

Ozment, Steven. Magdalena and Balthasar: An Intimate Portrait of Life in 16th-Century Europe Revealed in the Letters of a Nuremberg Husband and Wife." London: Yale University Press, 1986. 

Sexuality as a Discipline of Study (boring title!)

When Balthasar remarks to Magdalena that he can't stop thinking of her and wants to meet her in her chamber (quick, check out pg. 32), what does he mean? And is this what scholars study when they examine the history of sexuality? It's actually a bit more. One exemplary scholar of sexuality is Ruth Mazo Karras, the author of Sexuality in Medieval Europe (2nd edition, almost used in this class) and Unmarriages (2012), just pulled from the Drury shelves. In addition, she's well known for studies involving prostitution, celibacy, and homosexuality. Recently, she's embarked into areas like masculinity studies, like in her book Boys to Men. Like Ozment, she's prolific. She's a professor at University of Minnesota and co-editor of the journal of Gender and History. Sexuality studies is not the study of the "the act" but rather the ways that societies assign different meanings to the sexual experience. Sexuality is heavily gendered and constructed by society. Moreover, now most current scholars will say sexualities, not sexuality.

One of her main tasks in scholarship is to examine the multiple views of sexuality that circulated at any one given time in the Middle Ages. She likens this to today as well (there is no one "American view"). Though people like to look at the early modern past with a kind of Victorian lens, there was room for acceptable marital relations as well as transgressive boundaries that were considered marginal and perhaps off limits for the honorable. Two stereotypical views that dominated the literature of the Middle ages were: 1) sex as a pollutant and to be avoided and 2) sex as a lustful affair with mistresses, seducing priests, deceitful wives with young lovers. The former makes sense to us, and comes out of the Judeo-Christian background where sex threatened the soul and salvation. The latter is frequently forgotten and makes up many works of earthy literature in the Middle Ages that Karras argues was read (or heard, if recited) by men and women. Karras does not argue that medieval people were prudes. What today would be considered a dirty joke (and private) was a normally told story and did not bother anyone, she argues (22). She also takes a point of view that probably (sorry!) that you all have heard a lot from me: "It was a world where normative religious discourse taught that sexuality was something sinful and evil, and yet where large segments of the society chose to ignore that teaching (25). Important to see both sides.

Well, I was going to end with the photo of the very nude man, with all body parts revealed, in the Bayeaux tapestry--but when I went to post it I felt irresponsible. And I could also post the newly discovered "penis tree" in a church fresco in Massa Maritimma, Italy (google it), but why must I feel bad? Do 2014 folks have different views of sexuality than in the past? If medieval society had it in the church, it must have a relevant meaning. But what is it? That's what scholars of sexuality/ties are trying to discover.

Little Balthasar and Parenting

(This image shows a letter which little Balthasar wrote to his father where he requested a toy horse.)

The readings from this week all come from the book on Balthasar and Magdalena, but they give us plenty to choose from regarding what to write on. I chose to focus on their parenting styles and how due to their situations each approached parenting little Balthasar slightly differently. For Magdalena her life being around little Balthasar constantly influenced her reactions toward his behavior. Instead of berating him for not trying hard enough she usually offers solace or compliments on a job well done (Ozment 92). Magdalena knows how diligently her son works to please his father and will remind Balthasar of just that. She also notes that Balthasar should reward his son with the gifts he requests of his father. At one point referring to his writing ability she writes, “They are as well as he can do now, it takes him a while to produce such samples,” (Ozment 93). One can see from her letters to Balthasar that Magdalena loves her son dearly and wishes the best for him.

               

Balthasar on the other hand was not as openly loving with his son. He instead preferred the role of disciplinarian, specifically using the method of winning little Balthasar’s obedience through the purchase of presents or gifts. He writes Magdalena, “Tell little Balthasar to be good for the time being, otherwise I will bring him nothing. If he is bad, I will give the beautiful satin purse, the two pairs of shoes, and the red striped stockings I have bought for him to another little boy who behaves better than he,” (Ozment 94). Probably the most extreme example of this behavior from Balthasar concerns a crown that little Balthasar wanted for New Year’s Day. Little Balthasar promises good behavior and work, and in return Balthasar withholds the present. Instead deciding to bring it to his son when he returns to Nuremberg writing, “Tell little Balthasar that when I return home and learn that he has been good and studied diligently, I will give him his New Year’s gift personally,” (Ozment 95). Magdalena was understandably upset by her husband’s choice and responds with just an edge of irritancy in her next letter, “I myself believe youo should not have forgotten his New Year’s gift. You could have brought him great joy. You still can do so with your next letter,” (Ozment 95). This shows that while the parents typically agreed on how to raise little Balthasar sometimes disagreements did occur.

Citation:

Ozment, Steven. Magdalena & Balthasar: An Intimate Portrait of Life in 16^th Century Europe Revealed in the Letters of a Nuremberg Husband & Wife. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986.